The failure of the White House and Congress to seriously address the nation's fiscal situation is certain to broaden the belief among many voters that the U.S. political system is broken.
Don't stigmatize in a rush to explain inexplicable evil.
White House operatives went to great lengths to show Obama shifting focus from wars abroad to domestic issues at home.
We're living in an era of unprecedented change, and I want to be a part of documenting it.
Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and Roosevelt faced adversities that, in their times, seemed impregnable. Great presidents overcome great odds.
The fact that Obama is getting criticism from the left and the right might reflect his understanding of the underlying political dynamics.
Since declaring that she would not serve in a second Obama administration, Clinton has dismissed suggestions that she will run in 2016.
Political reporters and political professionals rushed to judgment against Romney because we crave clear, unambiguous story lines.
Perhaps we should wait until his second term begins before carving Barack Obama's face in Mount Rushmore. Is that asking too much?
Palin seems to have forgotten that her poll ratings have plummeted since the summer of 2011.
Obama ran a hard-edged and negative campaign against Romney, hoping to convince recession-weary voters that his rival was unworthy of the job.
Most Tea Party activists consider Obama a big-spending liberal. Some even question his eligibility to be president.
With gridlock the norm, Congress's approval rating is below 10 percent and the public has lost faith in its national leadership.
Andrew Jackson was the first president to claim that the desires of the public overrode Congress's constitutional prerogatives. Virtually every president since Jackson has claimed the mantle, even while lacking two ingredients of an electoral mandate: a landslide victory and a specific agenda.
Anything can go wrong in a debate, and Obama is not a perfect debater.
At the start of his second term, one wonders less about Obama's fitness than his willingness: Why doesn't he do more to build and maintain the relationships required to govern in era of polarization?
If you like your health insurance plan, you can keep your health insurance plan
You can almost see voters nodding their heads at home: The public's faith in politicians and political institutions has been on a steep and dangerous decline for decades, because elected leaders fail to deliver.
Washington's answer to a self-inflicted financial crisis reminded Americans why they so deeply distrust the political class. The 'fiscal cliff' process was secretive and sloppy, and the nation's so-called leadership lacked the political courage to address our root problems: joblessness and debt.
This is Romney's biggest political weakness. His policy flip-flops and the general sense that he's not comfortable in his own skin leads voters, including many supporters, wondering about his core values.
Romney and Democratic rival President Obama have led their partisan backers down a trail of lies, negativity and vacuous policies that seem certain to guarantee an angry electorate four more years of gridlock.
President Obama is casting his lot in the middle of a debate as old as America itself: Are we rugged individualists pulling ourselves up by the bootstraps? Or are we a nation of community, all connected and counting on one another?
President George W. Bush won reelection in 2004 largely because he was seen as comfortable in his own skin, while rival John Kerry was viewed as a flip-flopping opportunist.
Shock, confusion, fear, anger, grief, and defiance. On Sept. 11, 2001, and for the three days following the worst terrorist attack on U.S. soil, President George W. Bush led with raw emotion that reflected the public's whipsawing stages of acceptance.
It's a deft trick to turn American exceptionalism into an exceptional political tactic.
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